ARGENTINA: TO RESPECT THE POPULAR WILL, WE REJECT ANY AGREEMENT WITH PRO. LET'S GAIN THE STREETS AGAINST THE RIGHT

United Front Against Macri: the TPR propose a policy to defeat the rise of the right

To respect the popular will, we reject any agreement with PRO. Let’s gain the streets against the right

Cristina and La Cámpora didn’t demonstrate on December 10th against Macri. The Tendencia Piquetera Revolucionaria (TPR) did.

In the last ballotage, the right achieve a narrow victory, what reflect the rise of the right in Latin America, and the intensification of the pre-revolutionary situation. The facts are that half of the country voted against Macri (summing Scioli votes and blank and null votes, Macri won only by 80.000 votes). We as TPR stood for blank vote, as Scioli was advancing he will govern in open collaboration with PRO (which had already won Buenos Aires city and province, where half of the country population lives). 

Macri is not a strong government. PRO is the second force inside Cambiemos, the front that won. Cambiemos doesn’t control the Congress. Front for Victory (FpV, kirchnerists and peronists) controls the Senate and it’s the first minority in the Deputies Chamber. PRO only rules 2 provinces and UCR other 2. That is way the stock plunge 5% the day after the ballotage, because capitalists know that Macri doesn’t have the ability to govern by his own.

[BALLOTAGE 2015] TPR'S POSITION ABOUT THE ALTAMIRA'S STATEMENT AGAINST THE ELECTORALISM OF PO'S EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE (JUAN MARINO)

Oct. 26

TPR’s position about the Altamira's statement against the electoralism of PO’s Executive Committee (Juan Marino)

While PO’s Executive Committee celebrates the 4th place in the elections, Altamira criticizes them for being electoralist and for denying that Stolbizer's votes went to the right

1. We strongly salute Altamira's position criticizing FIT's (acronym of the Left Front) electoralism, and in particular against the Executive Committee of the PO (see the statement where the Executive Committee celebrates 4th place: http://www.po.org.ar/comunicados/politicas/el-frente-de-izquierda-cuarta-fuerza-en-medio-de-una-crisis-politica-de-fondo).

2. We criticize the consideration of Vidal's victory (new governor of the Buenos Aires Province, by the PRO, right-wing party of Mauricio Macri) over FPV like progressive, because regardless of the subjective motives of the electorate, this will strengthen objectively to the pro-imperialist and reactionary apparatus, which was verified in the fact that Vidal will put an agent of Monsanto in the Ministry of Agrarian Affairs.

3. We welcome the initiative of the Latin American conference (which Altamira proposes in his article). But we cannot fail to mention that if we do a conference, in the first place, this conference has to be for the blank vote, immediately, for a unitary campaign of all the fighters.

[EE.UU.] EL FSP APOYA EL LLAMADO DE LA TPR Y EL FIT A VOTAR EN BLANCO EN EL PRÓXIMO BALLOTAGE PRESIDENCIAL DE ARGENTINA

The Freedom Socialist Party supports the call by Argentine leftists to leave ballots blank in the upcoming run-off election for the country’s next president

On Sunday, November 22, 2015, voters will go to the polls to decide who will become the next president of Argentina. It is a run-off race between Daniel Scioli, the out-going vice president in President Cristina Kirchner’s administration and rightwinger Mauricio Macri, the outgoing mayor of Buenos Aires and son of a wealthy construction magnate.

The differences between these candidates are similar to those between the Democrats and the Republicans in the U.S. in that one is more rightwing than the other but neither of them have anything to offer the poor and working class and both serve the interests of the ruling class.

Macri advocates free capitalist development as the solution to Argentina’s woes, including an anticipated negative growth rate for the economy next year. Scioli says he will uphold Kirchnerism, a left-sounding populism that promises much and delivers little to the working class.

Neither of these candidates represents the interests of the vast majority of Argentines who lived through the 2001-2002 economic crises, one of the worst ever in our hemisphere. The working class has yet to recover from this debacle and neither of the capitalist parties in this race offer any hope of solving the current crisis.

For these reasons, the Freedom Socialist Party (FSP) supports the call to voters by Tendencia Piquetera Revolucionaria (TPR), the Frente Izquierda de los Trabajadores (FIT) and other socialists in Argentina to leave their ballots blank as a form of protest and because it is much better than voting against one’s own interests. When there is no anti-capitalist candidate to support in U.S. elections, the Freedom Socialist Party urges voters in our country to do the same.

Next year, the U.S election will undoubtedly come down to Hillary Clinton for the Democrats and one of the rightwing, anti-immigrant neoliberals for the Republicans. There will probably be one or two socialist candidates for president who will be able to get on a few state ballots, but in states without a socialist or anti-capitalist candidate, we will recommend that voters leave their ballots blank, just as TPR is doing now. It is better to take this path than to vote for what you don’t want and to get it!

[MARIANO FERREYRA] BASTA DE TERCERIZACIÓN. LA IZQUIERDA AL PODER. DEL CAÑO PRESIDENTE.

[AMÉRICA LATINA] NO AL GOLPISMO, AJUSTE Y REPRESIÓN. CHARLA-DEBATE CON CHRISTIAN ARMENTEROS

[ARGENTINA - LEFT FRONT] TPR CONCLUSIONS ABOUT THE VICTORY OF NICOLÁS DEL CAÑO IN THE PRIMARY ELECTIONS (Juan Marino)

@JuanMarinoTPR

While FIT (Left Front) received more than 1 million 200 thousand votes in 2013, on Sunday it got just over 700 thousand. The right progressed, the left retreated. It is not only about Macri or Massa, but within kirchnerism himself, the pejotización [Partido Justicialista clearly controls the main political positions, displacing the ‘core kirchnerists’ groups, TN] is an obvious phenomenon: Scioli vindicated in his electoral night speech the historical PJ political operator Juan Carlos Mazzón. In this situation, the TPR call to vote Nicolás Del Caño for president, demanding his right to participate in a debate with the other presidential candidates. Emphasizing that he calls to vote blank if ballotage exists [most polls announce the outlook of a ballotage between Macri and Scioli, TN], which is actually a trap. In both cases, we will campaign actively, opposed to the method of "lazy vote" (merely declamatory and passively) that has characterized the centrism in electoral disputes (which demonstrates its failure to understand that the electoral struggle is an enhanced, concentrated form of the class struggle).

We reject abstention. The left has to campaign for Del Caño President: campaign to "fill Parliament with leftist deputies” (as both PO and PTS propose) objectively means capitulation to the candidates of adjustment, instead of giving a fierce discussion to each voter to vote Left Front complete list, in order to gain a firmly established FIT vote. Left Front vote plunge when there are executive elections. In the case of the recent Buenos Aires ballotage it mostly fled to Lousteau-UCR. It has proven to be too volatile. The revolutionaries may transform each vote on a militant commitment to an alternative power. The opposite is rotted electioneering and parliamentary cretinism.

It was always clear: the TPR votes for the Left Front (full list) in October against parties of adjustment and devaluation, no matter who are the candidates, and engage in that fight as much as FIT will allow us. That's why we always insist on that a presidential candidate against Scioli, Macri, Massa and Stolbizer should have been defined last year, instead of delaying the campaign.

First we proposed an Open Congress to overcome Left Front differences, but since all FIT parties boycotted it (PO-IS posed it in a propagandistic way just earlier this year, and PTS rejected it), we strongly supported the brave turn of PO leadership given PTS blackmails and ultimatums in the negotiations to organize the electoral lists. The fact that PO has decided not to accept the extortion and to struggle in the Primary Elections in order to impose a consistent policy towards the FIT has been healthy and invigorating. From our part, to get involved in an Primary Election without accepting its result would be typical attitude of an irresponsible sect: none of this has to do with us.

The defeat of Altamira is a historic retreat of FIT and of the unity of the fighters, but this wont be overcome with factionalism depoliticized but with rank-and-file committees of the Unit List [PO and IS list, TN]. And in general, fighting for the defense of the historical program of the PO. It partially turn from silence on the danger posed by PTS, to a slight denounce of the pro-kirchnerist PTS positions (what lead us to popularized them as "PTK"). However, Altamira was inconsistent on this, what could be seen for example, in the fact that he did not accept to go to TV debate with Del Caño to clarify the two orientations that were being discussed for the FIT. This is recognized as a mistake even by journalist Diego Rojas, a supporter of PO, and increasingly also by members of PO.

[ELECCIONES 2015] "LOS SON LOS MEJOR QUE PUEDEN OFRECER LOS CAPITALISTAS" - PTK

AGRUPACIÓN VILLERA PIQUETERA: ORGANIZAR A LOS TRABAJADORES PARA LUCHAR CONTRA LA DESCOMPOSICIÓN CAPITALISTAS, CONTRA LOS GOBIERNOS PATRONALES Y POR LA REVOLUCIÓN PROLETARIA

Agrupación Villera Piquetera: organizar a los trabajadores para luchar contra la descomposición capitalista, contra los gobiernos patronales y por la revolución proletaria

La AVP se fundó en 2010 después de la ocupación del Parque Indoamericano en Buenos Aires (ocupación de la cual participaron más de 13.000 personas, la lucha por vivienda popular más importante en la última década), con el objetivo de agrupar trabajadores ocupados y desocupados en la lucha por sus reivindicaciones. Nos oponemos a quienes, basados en visiones sociológicas, consideran a los trabajadores desocupados como ‘desclasados’. Lo que define a un ‘piquetero’ es su pertenencia a una clase que lucha contra la opresión capitalista y contra los intentos de la burguesía de destruir los puestos de trabajo y los barrios. Organizándose y luchando, uniendo ocupados y desocupados, unimos a los trabajadores que los capitalistas quieren separar para derrotarlos más facilmente.

La AVP se funda en la tradición del movimiento piquetero argentino y el Argentinazo (levantamiento popular y situación revolucionaria en Diciembre 2001). El movimiento piquetero organiza asambleas en los barrios para luchar por trabajo para los desocupados, vivienda para quienes ya no pueden pagar el alquiler, para mejorar las condiciones de vida en los barrios (reclamando escuelas, hospitales, redes de cloacas y agua potable, etcétera). El movimiento piquetero es altamente politizado y está vinculado con los partidos de izquierda dado que confronta directamente con el poder político y llevó adelante las luchas más importantes en las últimas décadas.

AGRUPACIÓN VILLERA PIQUETERA: ORGANIZE WORKERS TO STRUGGLE AGAINST CAPITALIST DECOMPOSITION, AGAINST BOURGEOIS GOVERNMENT AND FOR WORKERS REVOLUTION

Agrupación Villera Piquetera: organize workers to struggle against capitalist decomposition, against bourgeois governments and for workers revolution

AVP was founded in 2010 after the occupation of Indoamericano Park in Buenos Aires, Argentina (more than 13.000 people occupied a park in the most important struggle for popular housing in the last decade), with the aim of grouping employed and unemployed workers to struggle for their claims. We oppose sociological views about unemployed workers as ‘out of working class’. What defines a ‘piquetero’ is to be part of a class that struggles against capitalist oppression and fight against attempts of the bourgeoisie to destroy workstations and neighbourhoods. Organizing and fighting, uniting employed and unemployed workers, we re-unite what the capitalists try to separate in order to defeat.

AVP is founded in the tradition of piquetero movement and the Argentinazo (2001 uprising), which organize assemblies in the neighbourhoods in order to struggle for jobs for those who are unemployed, houses for those who cannot afford rent anymore, improve conditions in the neighbourhood (schools, hospitals, sewer and drinking water supply services, etc). Piquetero movement is highly politicized and linked with left parties as it has a direct confrontation with political power and has carried out the most important struggles in the last decades.

[GREECE] AFTER THE ELECTORAL VICTORY, SYRIZA SETS UP AN ANTI-LABOUR GOVERNMENT COALITION WITH THE RIGHT

Monday January 26th

Cristina, FIT, MST and Patria Grande are LYING: Syriza's victory is not a victory for the working-class

AFTER THE ELECTORAL VICTORY, SYRIZA SETS UP AN ANTI-LABOUR GOVERNMENT COALITION WITH THE RIGHT

The TPR welcomes the results of EEK and OKDE-Ergatiki Pali. Let us organize the left, workers', revolutionary opposition to the government of Syriza-Independent Greeks

Kammenos (ANEL) with Tsipras (Syriza)

This day, Alexis Tsipras, Syriza's top leader, was appointed Prime Minister of Greece, after reaching an agreement for a coalition government with Independent Greeks (ANEL), a right-wing, nationalist, racist outfit. This coalition was greeted by the Confederation of Greek Industrialists (SEV), who pledged “support for the new government, showing consent, a spirit of cooperation and a constructive attitude”, as publicized by Syriza's own webpage (left.gr) Syriza's victory was also greeted by the president of the European Parliament, the social-democratic leader Martin Schulz.

In his speech, Tsipras promised a government of “national salvation and unity”, thus admitting it will not be a government of the left. He assured there will be a “sincere dialogue” and a “mutually convenient solution” with the markets and the European Union. Kamenos (leader of ANEL) presents this as an “anti-memorandum” government. It would, in that case, be a rabidly bourgeois government. Kamenos was viceminister for the Merchant Navy with Nea Demokratía (that is: an advocate for one of the main sectors of the Greek bourgeoisie: the shipowners.)

It is false that Syriza needed to set up a coalition with ANEL as a result of having fallen short of an absolute majority in parliament (Syriza won 149 out of 300 seats). It could have formed a government as the first minority, demanding the votes of the left of the house. Syriza could have asked KKE (Comunist Party) to support the formation of the government without integrating it. But it chose, on the contrary, to enter a coalition with a right-wing, bourgeois party. This does not ensure the “stability” of the government, but enforces a rightist, anti-labour course. Syriza's “Left Platform” has not only remained in place: it has not even issued a protest so far. Only hours before the election, TPR denounced that Syriza's victory was not a victory for the Greek workers. This prognosis has been borne out: it is necessary to build a revolutionary opposition to the Tsipras government.

A victory hailed by Kirchnerism is not a victory for the left

Syriza's victory was promptly greeted by the Argentinian chancellery as “a hope for the peoples of Europe, because it reveals there are viable political alternatives that reject the measures of adjustment and propound growth with social inclusion” (cancilleria.gov.ar, 26/1) The left that brands CFK's support for Tsipras (which is long-standing) as inconsistent, should in all honesty question its own illusions about the new Greek government.

The MST, to the right of Syriza's left

The MST displayed its strategic commitment to Syriza as an expression of the “new left” which they claim to represent in Argentina. This “new left”, which makes deals with the international financial markets and the right, faithfully portrays the democratizing, pro-imperialist nature of the MST. They have not even taken up the denunciations of the Left Platform, against the rightward course of Syriza since 2012 or its inclination to pacts with the IMF, NATO and the EU.

Supporting Syriza, the FIT boycotts itself

The Workers' Party (Partido Obrero) speedily welcomed the Syriza victory in a communiqué. It has failed, however, to utter a single word about the coalition government with the right. The popular-frontist emotion will only deepen the demoralization of the working-class in the face of betrayals. The alternative to the world crisis and economic adjustment begins with the struggle for a workers' government in Salta (Argentina), not a coalition government with the right in Greece. Instead of providing clarification for the Argentinian and international working-class, the Workers' Party blunts its understanding. As do the leaders of Izquierda Socialista. The PTS, along with its partners in the FIT, did not call for support of any party in the Greek elections, proving their leftist verbiage is a mere fig-leaf for opportunism.

Patria Grande: Syriza is neither Chávez nor anti-IMF

Argentinian chavismo strives to cobble together Syriza and Latin-American bourgeois nationalism. Beyond the links of political solidarity that connect them, a gigantic difference remains: Chávez rose to power confronting the imperialist plans; Syriza, on the contrary, starts off from a deal with imperialism and the right, an alliance which Patria Grande deems “necessary”. The decline and the rightist turn of bourgeois nationalism affects their Argentinian acolytes in the same sense.

The anticapitalist left dissolves in the popular front

The victory of Syriza will consolidate the process of dissolution which has developed in the anticapitalist left worldwide. This is shown in the dissolution of Izquierda Anticapitalista (Spanish state) in Podemos. The French NPA celebrated Syriza's victory unconditionally, while fostering the idea that this would be an instrument of popular mobilization. The reproduction, on a continental scale, of the idea that Syriza's victory is a “hope” for the peoples of Europe, will signal the demise of this left, along with the betrayals of the Syriza government.

For a left, workers', revolutionary opposition to the Tsipras government

The only way to prevent the exhaustion and frustration of a Tsipras government from being capitalized on by the far right (which was the third party in this election), is by strengthening the revolutionary left in Greece. In this concern, we salute the results obtained by EEK and OKDE Ergatiki Pali. No small figures can obscure the value of running an independent list against the popular-frontist formations. Here is the point of regroupment for the Antarsya left to finish off its adaptation to the nationalist, popular-frontist course of this front, and for the Greek workers to build  a party to confront the adjustments and the betrayals of the “left”.

TPR

TENDENCIA PIQUETERA REVOLUCIONARIA