[EUROPEAN ELECTIONS] FOR AN ANTI-CAPITALIST, INTERNATIONALIST, PROLETARIAN AND REVOLUTIONARY BLOCK

2014 European Parliament Elections: 500 million people discuss EU’s future 

For an anti-capitalist, internationalist, proletarian and revolutionary block of the left that rejects adjustment governments of the EL and the PES

Against anti-capitalism’s dissolution behind popular front, let’s put up a European campaign of the independent left

Lionel Zivals

@LionelZivalsTPR

Christian Armenteros

@ArmenterosTPR

In may 2014, European elections will take place. The remoteness of the date is only apparent, because the discussion about the strategy of the main political forces is developing right now during European summer vacations. The importance of the issue should be evident for every fighter, because of the enormous contingents of workers that will vote in a divided and bankrupted Europe, shaken by popular protest. 

The first thing we have to focus on is that it’s an election that involves more than 500 million workers who are suffering historic unemployment rates (60% in the youth, almost 30% in total). The working class that suffers in its own flesh the capitalist bankrupt, will have to question itself about its own experience and the nature of the crisis. Even, analysts predict a votation higher than usual (70% instead of the 43% of 2009, according to Reuters). The debate will be if the brutal regression in its life conditions has a connection to the political regime and, according to this political thought, if it decides to ratify and legitimize the government with its vote, or bet for another party. It’s about, therefore, a strategical dispute for the conscience of millions of workers, a challenge we can’t omit nor delay, and that we must take with all our strength.

And, in second place, this will be the first time in history in which we will have truly continental elections because “with rival candidates for the commission president before the elections, this will be the first time we, as European citizens, will be able to choose who holds the most powerful executive office in the EU” (The Guardian, July 3rd, 2013). Thus, this elections aren’t only about “national representatives” but what’s the continental strategy workers adopt facing the crisis. This is an election that poses a titanic political struggle for the parties that claim themselves part of proletarian internationalism, against the parties that defend the European Union and their adjustment plans.

6 strategies and 6 blocks in dispute: European Popular Party, Party of the European Socialists, Party of the European Left, fascistic right-wing, anti-capitalist left, and proletarian, revolutionary and internationalist left

The dispute will be, fundamentally, between European Popular Party (EPP) and the Party of the European Socialists (PES). That is to say, between those who apply the adjustment in Greece and Spain, or those who do it in France and Italy. The third in dispute will be the party of the popular-front left, expressed in the Party of the European Left (EL), which has already launched a continental campaign.

Far behind, there’s another tendency that doesn’t have a continental representation yet, but is rising: we refer to the fascistic right parties (for example, british UKIP predicts a ‘political earthquake’). Golden Dawn’s rise in Greece, the french National Front and other rightist expressions in the continent show that, while the popular front rises, fascism’s fangs are preparing. This will probably have its expression in the European elections: “we can see an ascent of the nationalist parties like in England and France”, “it’s not a despicable forecast that populists, especially the far right-wing, will have a bigger influence in European parliament” (Reuters, August 13th, 2013).

In this situation, finally, anti-capitalism (mainly the different expressions of mandelism and cliffism) and the revolutionary, proletarian and internationalist left (represented by the parties of the CRFI), far away from being an alternative, divide themselves between marginal and sectarian silence, or simple adaptation to the EL.

European elections in the anteroom of a continental pre-revolutionary situation

This political dispute between parties is being held over explosive historic conditions. European states stand over a debt mountain they have enlarged absorbing banks’ toxic assets. Georges Magnus, famous for being UBS’ counselor who wrote an inform anticipating the mortgage crisis of USA in 2007, wrote: “I don’t see how Euro zone could avoid one or more defaults. Debt’s weight is too large, economy is too weak and social and political confidence is receding. Politically, Europe doesn’t function anymore and defaults appear increasingly more probable” (Clarín, April 13th, 2013). After Cyprus and the cut off of bank assets promoted by European commission, the possibility of capital flight increases. The same economist points out that “from now on, if Spain or Italy have problems, the first thing that will happen will be a capital flight. It would be rational, and make things worse”.

It’s an intolerable situation for the different bourgeoisies of the old continent. Therefore, the illusion of an “adjustment with growth” promoted by Socialist Parties is an imposture. Not even Germany is safe: trapped by the depression of its main client, the Eurozone, and by China’s deceleration, in May Germany’s exportations suffered their worst fall in 2 years. The euro currency is mortally wounded and they want to save it at the expense of the masses. This tendency is starting to take shape in the formation of an anti-euro trend in some sectors of the bourgeoisie. Diverse and even counterposed political tendencies refract this. On one hand, the formation of Plan B in Greece and AKEL in Cyprus. On the other, the petit-bourgeois anti-euro and anti-unions movements such as Beppe Grillo’s M5S. This promotes two contradictory tendencies: on one side, the increase of nationalism in all Europe showing that capital operates over national lines, and, on the other, the tendency to suppress political democracy through technical governments and the monopolization of all European bank (both state and private) under Germany’s boot.

This division of the bourgeoisie at a continental level pre-announces a power crisis and the opening of a pre-revolutionary situation. In the old continent, euro’s crisis deepens showing that we walk towards an explosion of the monetary union, dislocating capitalist relations and revealing the imminent default of the states, the transformation of all Europe in a German protectorate and probable scenarios, fundamentally in the PIIGS, of popular rebellions and even civil wars. The explosion of the European Union is already underway. Against the European Union and the euro, we must fight to break imperialist union of European bourgeoisie and for the Socialist United States of Europe. This is the validity and the practical vindication of proletarian internationalism as a power way out facing capitalist bankrupt.

The EL isn’t a left alternative: they ask the vote to co-govern imposing the adjustment with the PES

All this is important because the main political fact during the last two years has been the rise of popular front formations in all Europe: Syriza in Greece, Front de Gauche (FdG) in France, United Left (IU) in Spain (with particularities, like Bildu, AGE or ERC), and in a more residual way Die Linke in Germany. This formations capitalize electorally the discontent and big fights present throughout the popular protests, that are enclosed in the ‘strike gym’ of union bureaucracy (in several cases linked to these parties). Is due to this electoral development that two fictions that oppress anti-capitalist left’s heads are created: 1. That the EL has achieved monopoly of ‘the space to the left of Socialists Parties’; 2. In this sense, that even the limited pose of an ‘autonomous anti-capitalist left’ has lost validity and now you can only support EL ‘against PES and EPP bipartidism’, either from the outside or directly dissolved inside.

However, far from being an alternative, euro-communism’s sons are a direct trampoline towards social-democracy. Mélenchon, leader of French Front de Gauche and co-president of the EL, stated recently, betting on the influence of FdG in Socialist Party’s ranks, that “there can be a unity that starts from us and spreads widely in socialist’s ranks to defend pensions. Stages are the following. The coming European election will be a key moment. Once again, if we overcome the left [Socialist Party, TN], we will be in charge to propose an alternative to the government of Ayrault within the national assembly itself [¡dominated by Socialist Party!, TN]. If not, we will have to chose another. That is, what we are facing is the need of conquering a political majority of the left” (placeaupeuple.fr, August 23rd, 2013). ¡Impressive! What EL’s co-president proposes is recycling social-democracy misappropriating the votes they achieve as ‘Socialist Party’s opponents’. European popular-frontists embrace the stinking dead body of the II International.

The pact EL-PES is about defending concrete material interests of the political apparatus. “For its part, Communist Party allied to Socialist Party in numerous cities, doesn’t want to break up relations that has built with its ally in 2008, fearing the possibility of losing numerous councilors and the funding they provide. Each councilor must give, initially, a part of its benefits to the Party; that way, in 2011, 46% FCP’s budget was composed on those contributions” (Mediapart.fr, May 3rd, 2013). Popular-frontists’ perspective is based on a political method. Pierre Laurent, FCP leader declared in a recent interview in Liberation that “the objective must be selecting left majorities with communists, Front de Gauche, ecologists, socialists and citizen forces as a whole, in order to prevent the right and far right to conquer the cities” (Reuters, August 22nd, 2013).

In Portugal, if elections took place today, Socialist Party would get 35,3%, Bloco de Esquerda (BE, portuguese section of EL) 6,6%, and PCP 11%, against 35,6% of the government right-wing coalition PSD-CDS (Portugal Digital, September 9th, 2013). In this situation, “BE proposes both Socialist Party and PCP the opening of a negotiation process to approve programmatic basis for a left government. ‘Bloquists’ will defend this Tuesday that negotiations must begin immediately and conclude quickly. Socialist Party gave the green light to the encounter, on Tuesday at 19hs. PCP and BE will meet on Friday but between communists and socialists the realization of a meeting appears more difficult” (Público, July 16th, 2013). As you see, EL is PES’ favorite to form a government and the most hurried to do it. It’s enough to remember that the Socialist Party was the one who signed the first memorandum in order to understand the trap this self-called ‘left government’ would mean.

These political formations work consciously in order to deviate the struggle movement, instead of promoting it and place it as a power alternative. Rather than fighting to overthrow adjustment governments, during 2012 they demanded them ‘to change’ (referendum policy developed by IU and FdG) and, when they ask for their resignation (Syriza and IU against Rajoy now), they do it demanding new elections instead of promoting popular movement to oust them. It’s a systematic policy to channel the struggle in the framework of the capitalist state.

Syriza, after its electoral rise, has processed a deep rightward drift, attacking its own left-wing and turning its back to the main strikes that took place recently, such as teachers, ERT (public television) and anti-fascist fight in Manolada. Front de Gauche took part in the ‘Sacred Alliance’ that voted Mali’s invasion, showing that EL’s popular-frontism defends EU’s imperialist project with its hands stained with african workers’ blood. At the same time, it develops mobilizations against Hollande and austerity, but it has steered from any real support to Peugeot Aulnay’s strike (the most important strike in France in recent years), and doesn’t promote any strike movement. IU in Spain has passed to the slogan ‘Government Resignation’ but demanding ‘Elections NOW’. Instead of posing an alternative against union bureaucracy’s liquidationist policy, IU is thinking in a future electoral success and, meanwhile, regionally, takes part (Andalucía) or supports (Extremadura, Asturias) adjustment governments. In Andalucía, under their government, 100 evictions take place per day (Diagonal, December 12th, 2012). Is this fighting against capitalism?

It is not a circumstantial mistake: “IU insists, as it has been doing since it knew Griñán’s departure (leader of Andalusian Socialist Party), that the pact with Socialist Party from Spain isn’t about individuals but about policies” (elcorreoweb.es, August 31rd, 2013). IU’s ‘loyalty’ towards Spain’s Socialist Party is so big that they go to the extreme of auto-boycott. As they themselves affirm: “the only formation that would be interested in elections taking place right now would be IU [because of their rise on the surveys, TN], and despite that we say no, we bet on stability, we are a guarantee to develop left programs and policies” declared Rafael Rodríguez, counselor on Commerce and Tourism from IU (El País, September 1st, 2013). The discussion is not even about ‘adjustment or not adjustment’ but the terms the adjustment is applied: they’re capital’s left leg.

Anti-capitalism’s bankruptcy: between sectarian silence, and social-democracy and EL’s revaluation

In this situation, the situation of anti-capitalism and revolutionary left is more than catastrophic. Antarsya, that has the undoubted merit of having stood in Greek elections against Syriza, hasn’t published any statement facing the elections, implying that it resigns to give a continental fight for an anti-capitalist reference, and gives the initiative to Syriza. In fact, in its last congress there was a crisis facing Alavanos’ position of vindicating an ‘anti-euro front’, following the example of… kirchnerist Argentina’s currency devaluation! As Argentinean revolutionaries, we warn that that is a total absurdity.

European revolutionary left, that is CRFI/RedMed (Italian PCL, Greek EEK), has also not developed any political initiative, even when a European conference took place last June in Athens, showing a political paralysis that accompanies the dissolving orientation Partido Obrero (PO - Workers’ Party from Argentina) imposes to its international regrouping behind EL. Lets remember that PO, differently from EEK, called to vote for Syriza during the last Greek elections.

On the other hand, the anti-capitalist left that is discussing European elections, is doing it in order to try to go as a caboose of EL. Anti-capitalist Left (IA - Izquierda Anticapitalista from Spain), in its last summer university, organized a series of conferences called “How to join the left with a program of rupture with the Troika?”, where their will to go with IU and not being an alternative in any way was clearly stated. It’s not only worrying that the leadership invited popular-frontists that openly said that “the maximum we can do until Europe as a whole breaks with the actual system, is a real social-democratic policy” (David Fernández Calviño, Anova’s deputee, http://www.anticapitalistas.org/spip.php?article28781), but even Miguel Urbán (IA’s leader) stated that “it’s social-democratic or even less what is at issue” today. This statements combine with a certain movementist despise against elections under the thesis that “social movements must be empowered”, abstracting from the political fight between parties. The result: an overall adaptation.

European anti-capitalist left (mainly mandelism and cliffism, but not only these currents), have collapsed facing this problem, directly or indirectly subordinated to the EL. French NPA collapse, SWP crisis after they broke with Respect in UK, the “alternatives from below” [alternativas desde abajo, TN] and “constituent process” [proceso constituyente, TN] promoted by IA in Spain, Antarsya´s policy facing Syriza’s rise, are a prove of this situation. Even worse is the situation of IMT (leaded by Alan Woods) of CWI (leaded by Peter Taaffe) which promote the dissolution into the European Left Party as the real meaning of trotskyism. The point is that anti-capitalism is subordinated to popular front or crushed under its pressure. The political formations that gave up the struggle for proletarian dictatorship were taken by surprise by the capitalist crisis, collapsing under the rise of popular front.

If revolutionaries don’t win anti-capitalist currents, anti-capitalism will dissolve into popular front

The struggle for the political independence of the left outside the EL, is even more urgent as centrist anti-capitalist formations are in crisis due to the next european elections, and their leadership tend to be subordinated to popular-front: NPA is seeking for an agreement with Front de Gauche under the slogan “a left alternative to the government”. Izquierda Anticapitalista in Spain promotes the “candidatures from below”, which aims to support common candidatures of the anti¡capitalist and the reformist left, i.e., to dissolve IA in a camouflaged front with IU and other front-populist organizations with a democratizing program. Bildu, the front of the Basque left with a split from PNV (EA, social-democrats) is in crisis regarding european candidatures. CUPs’ call to make a front “was accepted by Sortu [left wing of Bildu, RN], favourable to a common list with Bildu in next may european elections. But Eusko Alkartasuna [EA] prefers ERC, their catalan independentists old allies [who agree with Mas’ budgets cuts in Catalonia, RN] and BNG rather than the CUPs” (El Mundo, 02/09). Basque left, who in last elections promoted Iniciativa Internacionalista [Internationalist Initiative, TN] also supported by the spanish independentist left and part of the anti-capitalist organizations, is now in crisis due to the right-wing of Bildu. As it is seen, European elections will be a very important political moment: Bildu will stand for elections with the CUPs or with Mas’ allies? A political intervention to separate independentist left from budget cuts promoters is timely and necessary.

The TPR calls to launch a campaign for a front of the left that's independent from EL

Anti-capitalist bankruptcy under the rise of the popular front is not a coincidence. Anti-capitalism is to trotskyism what eurocommunism was to stalinism: a shameful return to social democracy erasing any reference to Russian October and proletarian revolution. Behind its radical petit bourgeois speech, the hidden goal of anti-capitalism is to dissolve workers parties and the revolutionary struggle for power. That’s why, sooner or later, all of them gather around the EL. Portugal is the sharpest example, as mandelism directly integrates the same party with EL (Bloco de Esquerda). They voted together the budgets’ cuts and are discussing the possibility of a common government with the SP, which is a fiercely supporter of the adjustment. As we mentioned in a previous article, Portugal’s clock is advanced related to Europe’s one.

From Tendencia Piquetera Revolucionaria, from Argentina, we do understand the struggle to place the “other left” as a main task: the left that doesn’t agree with budget cutters. Obviously, this task is firstly in the hands of the CRFI and Red Med. A European electoral agitation should focus in the fight to oust adjustment governments, against EU and euro, developing the slogan of nationalization of the banks under workers’ control, non-payment of the debt, and expropriation under workers’ control of any company that close or fires workers. The main slogan should be Workers Government and the United Socialists States of Europe.

The other task should be to strive for the regrouping of the revolutionary and anti-capitalist centrist left against the EU and adjustment governments (Italian PCL; Antarsya, EEK, OKDE Ergatiki Pali in Greece; NPA and LO in France; Catalan CUPs, Izquierda Anticapitalista, Lucha Internacionalista, En Lucha, Corriente Roja, Red Roja and some layers of IU -CUT-BAI for instance- in Spain; SWP in the UK; RSB and RIO in Germany, as the main organizations). This is not just a sum of organizations nor a proposal to build in an artificial way a political front that had only exist occasionally. We are the firsts to point out the odds this proposal has to progress and the amount of contradictions it may have. Our bet, despite of these limits, is to show European fighters where to set the delimitation from front-populism and to make them intervene in the anti-capitalism crisis so workers can develop an experience and re-take the path of proletarian revolution.

TPR

TENDENCIA PIQUETERA REVOLUCIONARIA
tpr.internacional@gmail.com