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viernes, 20 de noviembre de 2015


Oct. 26

TPR’s position about the Altamira's statement against the electoralism of PO’s Executive Committee (Juan Marino)

While PO’s Executive Committee celebrates the 4th place in the elections, Altamira criticizes them for being electoralist and for denying that Stolbizer's votes went to the right

1. We strongly salute Altamira's position criticizing FIT's (acronym of the Left Front) electoralism, and in particular against the Executive Committee of the PO (see the statement where the Executive Committee celebrates 4th place:

2. We criticize the consideration of Vidal's victory (new governor of the Buenos Aires Province, by the PRO, right-wing party of Mauricio Macri) over FPV like progressive, because regardless of the subjective motives of the electorate, this will strengthen objectively to the pro-imperialist and reactionary apparatus, which was verified in the fact that Vidal will put an agent of Monsanto in the Ministry of Agrarian Affairs.

3. We welcome the initiative of the Latin American conference (which Altamira proposes in his article). But we cannot fail to mention that if we do a conference, in the first place, this conference has to be for the blank vote, immediately, for a unitary campaign of all the fighters.

4. To provide an effective struggle to reorient the PO in revolutionary terms against the rise of the right and combat against the electoralism of PO's Executive Committee  (as Altamira himself said), we call on Altamira and all militants PO to make pronouncements in favour of the TPR's reinstatement to PO.

Juan Marino

Here we reproduce Altamira’s article:

Contrary to what we expected, the novelty in the electoral scene took place in the field of the capitalist parties and the adjustment -not in place that would occupy the FIT there. Anticipatory signs were, however, in view, then, even since the primary elections, when emerged the possibility that the candidate of Macri (María Eugenia Vidal) could defeat the FPV and the PJ in the province of Buenos Aires, and in this case of Macri entering the second round. The political agenda that focused concern of voters was not the budget cuts, in which the leading candidates agree, even though the discussion on outcome to the economic crisis took a commanding attention in the last phase of the campaign. The main motivation of the electorate was to prevent a victory of "Hannibal" Fernández in the province of Buenos Aires and from the mayors apparatus of the Province's municipalities, and beyond the Province, the continuity of apparatus like Milagro Sala or La Cámpora. "Anibal Fernandez has manufactured the fall of 'Scioli for Victory'". The progressive vote against the exponents of authoritarianism, repression and spying on the one hand, combined, on the other hand, with the support to the sector which more strongly has defined an output in the way of the devaluation. Strong 'Dollarization', encouraged by the K government, either through the 'dollar-saving' or brokerage operations, puts a part of the middle class in favor of devaluation. The 'markets' have welcomed Macri's victory with a strong rise in public debt bonds and stocks. The liberal's votes of Stolbizer in the primary elections have spent massively to macrism, not to the FIT -without affecting the performance of Massa, who grew up a few points regarding of the primary elections.


In the pre-election week began a situation which we call the "great Lousteau", because like the electoral run to Lousteau against Macri-Larreta in the last moment of the ballotage of the Buenos Aires City, now has had a run toward Macri against Scioli-Aníbal in national election. Who asked the Left Front to vote for Lousteau, to defeat Macri in the capital, now ask us to vote for Macri in the runoff election against Scioli. Interestingly, the 'useful vote' who invented Massa to get votes, has favored Macri against Scioli. The so-called 'useful vote' was not a clever advertising tool to steal votes in the third forces but the expression of an electoral power to prevent Anibal Fernández, the Berni, the Curto and Fellner-Sala continue in government. This was anticipated by the rebellion against fraud in Tucumán, where Scioli now moves back regarding primary elections. Exists the possibility of a solution like De la Rúa, where the progressive vote underpins one output through budget cuts. The rise of the macrism is based on this political contradiction, whose dimension we will see with the development of policy of devaluation and increased rates in the public services. The cover of Clarín (most important newspaper in Argentina) of the weekend on the electoral ban, which announced Scioli's victory in the first round, is a testament to the confusion that has characterized the 'establishment' at this stage, on the one hand and of the fragility of Macri's rise, by the other. The macrism has been the main beneficiary of the petition of the 'renewal' in the generational sense, and candidates without experience.


According to the provisional results of Sunday night, our Left Front repeated the percentage of the primary election, that means we don't capitalized the votes that left the Left and Centre-left which did not exceed the floor of the primaries. The Left Front has failed the minimum objective of add three national deputies, even when Néstor Pitrola is battling for his income by the Buenos Aires district. This result does not indicate a political defeat, but yes a strong braking, which relegates the level of political prominence (of the FIT) in the face of the new stage which will start after the November ballot. A full assessment, demands to know what has been the extent of militant recruitment that we have conquered for the front and for their parties, which is the decisive criterion. Experience teaches that adjustments and crisis that is expected do not guarantee growth of the revolutionary left in the immediate future, if she does not enter to this stage of adjustment and crisis with previous penetration in the working class and youth. A feature of this election is that the electorate does not seem to be aware of the scope of the adjustment that comes, unlike what happened in 2001, but this is a repeating what happened in 1999. This gap between the objective trend of the crisis, on one side, and the understanding that has the electorate, on the other hand, has been the objective factor of the results below those expected of the Left Front. It cannot vindicate a fourth place in the election when it is the product of a spectacular collapse of Stolbizer and not by own growth. The electoral proclamation at any price is a manifestation of electoralism.


Is very likely that the spectacular rise of the macrist alliance could have a large impact in countries governed by the Bolivarian sector, notably Venezuela and Ecuador, and the future of the Government of Dilma Roussef. It gives a powerful impetus to the continental macrism. In Argentina, the 'national and popular' experience has fallen under its own weight, their responsibility, their own boundaries of class and its own contradictions. But this Latin American macrism doesn't have the social base or political ability to implement violent adjustments imposed by the crisis in Latin America, without crossing seizures equally violent. It is imperative, in the continent, for the combative left, separate itself from the corpse of chavism and from the center-left, and organize itself in a politically independent way to enable the masses to wage a struggle with historical scope. The Left Front should convene a Latin American Conference to discuss the new situation they has been created, the huge economic crisis, on the one hand, and the exhaustion of the bolivarianism and the center-leftism, on the other. Everything would indicate that a Macri's victory in the run-off should considerably strengthen the macrismo of Spain, the new organization called "Ciudadanos" (Citizens), where there will be national elections next December 20. "Ciudadanos", which brings together most of the features of the macrism, is a questioning of Franco's Spain right from a 'reformed' right, which armed the alliances at their convenience, with the Psoe, even Podemos.


Run-off is now presented in a completely unexpected way. Scioli was, in the previous scenario, as the candidate who had the device to impose politically the budget cuts -the Governors, mayors of the suburbs, trade union bureaucracy. But with the huge victory of the macrism in the province of Buenos Aires, the approaching of the cordovan Schiaretti to the macrism, and the disposition of the Salta's governor, Urtubey, in the same sense, the alliance of Macri -which already has the government of the capital - enters the ballot with the support of a State apparatus more solid than Scioli's. It's a violent shift in political competition. The big bourgeoisie and Obama are going to change horse and can support their favorite candidate. It is a scenario that marginalizes the Left Front, which calls to blank vote, as it could not be otherwise, and leaves in evidence the slowdown received last Sunday. We propose a campaign of assemblies of militants and sympathizers to discuss a deep assessment the elections and the political situation that has resulted from it, and to develop a plan of mobilization and priority objectives for the new stage. Contradictions and conflicts of this new stage will give a decisive boost to the revolutionary left. 

Jorge Altamira

Translated by NR and Lucas Malaspina
Reviewed by Juan Marino

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